民国的黄金十年是上海南京的不是武汉的

[yellowcranetower]

武汉在1911年辛亥革命后迅速恢复，城市整体还可以和上海一比高下，说明北洋政府还是不错的，共产党的历史课本说北洋军阀多么可恶，其实都是宣传洗脑。民国的黄金十年是上海南京的大发展10年，和武汉没关系。武汉1927年后失去了英租界，国民政府又只投资上海南京，武汉直到1949年都没发展。
“Overall, the urban economy of the tricity complex stagnated in the 1930s, but it did not crash because the tricity had a strategic position as the international commodity trade and industrial processing center for the entire middle Yangzi region.”

Modern Wuhan’s identity grew out of a deeply rooted but divided history
that began with the political centrality of Wuchang. Since at least
the Han dynasty, Wuchang had been strategically important because of
its location at the Yangzi’s juncture with the Han River. Wuchang was
the capital of Hubei Province, one of China’s richest and most populous
provinces, and since the Ming period, its scholar-officials had overseen
the entire Huguang region (Hubei and Hunan). The Huguang governorgeneral
was arguably the third most important provincial official in the
Qing empire (the first being the Zhihli governor-general, who oversaw
the region around Beijing). Political importance made Wuchang an intellectual
and educational center as well, the place where student candidates
prepared for and took the civil service examinations. Laid out as
an administrative city on the southern bank of the Yangzi, its towering
walls projected political power and protected the city from flooding. By
function and design, it fit the traditional Chinese urban model in which
the role of commerce was secondary.

Another distinguishing feature of Wuhan’s modern history was the recurrent
physical destruction and rebuilding that its inhabitants came to
expect. The trading center of Hankou, in particular, was repeatedly laid
waste by war after the middle of the nineteenth century. It was razed and
seized three times by Taiping rebels in the 1850s, burned to the ground
by Qing troops in 1911, badly damaged by war and revolution in 1926–
27, and pummeled by Japanese bombing raids in 1938 and U.S. B-29 raids
in 1944. Wuchang was spared until the 1920s and 1930s, when the city’s
new commercial and industrial districts were badly damaged: first by rioting
warlord troops in 1921, then by fighting in 1926–27, and finally
by wartime bombing raids. Hanyang suffered a similar fate. Yet out of
the ashes of war, the Wuhan cities quickly rebuilt and reemerged more
confident, prosperous, and optimistic about becoming the most progressive
of China’s interior cities.

Then, on
October 10, 1911, fighting broke out in the tricity area between Qingdynasty
units and mutineers as self-proclaimed republican rebel forces.
Although the mutiny began with the capture of Wuchang, the city and
its scholar-bureaucrats managed to remain safe and unscathed behind its
high walls by siding with the “revolution.” The destructive violence occurred
elsewhere. Before a cease-fire was negotiated, Hanyang became
a war zone, and in late October Hankou was burned to the ground by
Qing troops advancing down the railway from the north. Hankou reportedly
burned for four days and four nights. The only large structures
left standing in the smoldering ruins outside the foreign-concession areas
were the racetrack and the water tower.

Indeed, most of the major buildings of republican
Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang were built between 1912 and
1927.Often designed by foreign architects from Shanghai, they produced
a decidedly Western look, particularly in downtown Hankou.

Overall, the urban economy of the tricity complex stagnated in the
1930s, but it did not crash because the tricity had a strategic position as
the international commodity trade and industrial processing center for
the entire middle Yangzi region.

In dealing with unruly students, however, the heavy hand of Yang Qingshan
was a last resort. Wuchang had been a proud center of educational
reform since the time of Zhang Zhidong. In the 1920s its three universities
had thrived because of strong support from local elites and a feeder
system of over thirty middle schools. Students had provided shock
troops to the revolution of 1927. And later, in Wuhan as elsewhere after
the Japanese occupation of Manchuria in 1931 and the attack on Shanghai
in 1932, containing students’ protests against corruption and unrest
about the Chiang government’s reluctance to go to war was a big problem.
The government’s answer was bold and reform minded: restructure
the atmosphere on campus—literally—by rebuilding university life from
the ground up. In 1930 the Nanjing government closed two of the three
Wuchang universities (the third, a missionary-run university, was permitted
to continue under new leadership) and began building in their place
a new flagship institution under strong central government control.
The establishment of Wuhan University was an impressive achievement
and is important to our story because its campus became the wartime
seat of government in 1938. Carefully planned at the national level by a
blue-ribbon commission and constructed by a team of Chinese architects
led by the American F. H. Kales, the resulting complex combined Chinese
and Western architectural and landscaping styles. Completed in 1932,
the university’s gardenlike campus layout and imposing “Chinese renaissance”
structures sat on a hilly suburban site overlooking Wuchang
to the west and Donghu Lake to the north.21 The new university’s president,
Wuhan native Wang Shijie, had been a leading academic at Beijing
University in the 1920s and had served as Chiang Kaishek’s foreign minister
in the early 1930s. To fill key posts in the university, as much as possible
Wang conducted nationwide searches to recruit senior faculty with
wide visibility and pro-Guomindang political credentials. Thus the university’s
creation had a clear political purpose: as a flagship institution
under firm central-government leadership, it was to set a national example
of how to control and rechannel student activism.

[yellowcranetower]

武汉在第二次中日战争中损失很大。